The term socialism has
no single definition as have been defined by various scholars as follows;
According to Rappoport (1928)
defined socialism based on the recognition of interests common to all citizens
in order to promote a free individual in a free society.[1]
According to Quinn (1980)
socialism is apolitical term applied to an economic system in which property is
held in common and not individually and relations are governed by political
hierarchy.
Generally socialism can be
defined as an economic system characterized by public ownership and centralized
planning of all major industries, banks, and insurance. Under capitalism these
giant enterprises dominate the economy but are privately owned and operated for
purpose of generating wealth for their owners.
African socialism is believed
in sharing economic resources in a traditional African way as distinct from
classical socialism.[2]Many
African politicians of the 1950s and 1960s professed their support for African
socialism, although definitions and interpretation of this term varied
considerably. This is because African socialism has not been the production of
one single thinker.
African socialism was a
form of social system rooted in African soil and culture. Traditional African societies
governed by socialist’s rules. These was an attempts made by African thinkers
to recapture traditional African values to services modern African societies as
an indication that traditional African societies had something to teach in the modern
world so as to uphold African culture and values.[3]African
socialist’s thinkers are like Nyerere, Nkrumah, Kaunda, and Senghor. All
African thinkers were similar in some aspects although in some cases was
differed. Before looking in the comparison and differences of these thinkers
thought let us first see their biography.
Julius k. Nyerere; was
born at Butiama, a village near Musoma on the shores of lake Victoria in 1922
he was the son of chief Nyerere Burito of the Wazanaki tribe he attended
primary education in Musoma and secondary school at Tabora. He spends two years
at Makerere College and graduated as Master of Arts in 1952 from Edinburg
University (Scotland). While in Britain Nyerere joined a socialists club known
as Fabians. Fabians socialists whose political thinking was based on the ideas
of utopian socialists was to influences
Nyerere’s early political thinking these utopian socialists who
influenced Nyerere were like St.Simon, Charles Fourier and Robert Owen. He later on served as a teacher at St. Francis Pugu and become one of
founders of Tanganyika National Union (TANU) in 1954. Nyerere’s construction on
African socialism based on the concept of “UJAMAA”; to him Ujamaa means family
hood (African extended family) meaning that all individuals in the state as
members of the same family. Nyerere dead in 1999.
Kwame Nkrumah; was born at Nkroful, gold coast
(today Ghana) in1909. Lincoln University graduated in Bachelor of Arts in 1939
at university of Pennsylvania in United States of America, also graduated in bachelor
of sacred theology and masters in philosophy in 1945. Nkrumah taught philosophy
and Negro history from 1935-1945. During
his stay in America, racism and the poor living standards of the black
Americans were also to influence his political thinking. Nkrumah’s thought on the construction of
African socialism was based on his philosophy of consciencism. To him consciencism was as a map in an intellectual terms of
disposition of forces which enable African society to digest western, Islamic
and euro-Christian elements in Africa and develop them in such way that they fit into African
personality. To him African culture alone cannot construct a viable ideology of
modern African states. The following are the comparisons and differences of
Nkrumah and Nyerere’s thoughts on African socialism, starting with comparison.
Both Nkrumah and Nyerere
championed the single party system in building strong foundation of socialism
in Ghana and Tanzania respectively. Through the monoparty system the two
nationalists in Africa ensured the existence of strong unity solidarity among
their people purposely for social, political, economic and cultural development
in their states and Africa in general.[4]
Both agree on the common
features of socialists a state which is common ownership of means of production,
distribution and exchange. Production is for use and not for profit according
to Nkrumah also Nyerere in Arusha declaration his major point was the major
means of production and exchange are under the control of peasants and workers.[5]
Both Nkrumah and Nyerere held a
platonic notion that the purpose of the state is to create a proper environment
for blossoming of desired ethical condition,
this means the aims of socialism was to reconstruct African societies in
the manner that humanism of traditional African life reasserts itself in a
modern technical community.[6]
Both opposed non-secular
system in building socialists states in which the governance systems had to be
separated from the religious affairs so as to promote strong unity and
solidarity among the people thus why Nyerere said Tanzania has got no religion
but her people have their own religions. Nkrumah on the other hand separated
religion from the state affairs.
Both believed on the
egalitarian system in which they ignored classes that may perpetuate
exploitation among members in the socialists’ states. To them public ownership
and central planned economy was much better for the development of newly
independent African countries.
Both Nyerere and Nkrumah in their socialists’
thoughts believed that self determination in political, economic, ideological
and cultural aspects of life is where African all over the world can solve
their problems or difficulties and building strong foundation of socialism in
their respective countries.
The following are the
contrasts of Nyerere and Nkrumah’s thought on African socialism.
Nyerere’s thought in
socialism was based on the concept of Ujamaa while Nkrumah’s thought on African
socialism was based on the concept of conscienscism. To Nyerere Ujamaa means family
hood (African extended family) meaning that all individual in the state as
members of the same family while conscienscism was as map in an intellectual
term of disposition of forces which enable African societies to digest external
element and develop them to fit into to African personality.
Nkrumah and Nyerere differed
on the format of production which could best encourage the renaissances of these
values while allowing for some degree of technologically derived change.
Nyerere argue that the institution which first bred this value must be
recreated. In effect he felt that changes in the social organization of
production could be reversed through will and leadership but Nkrumah on the
other hand from the perspective of dialectical materialism believed that change
could be encouraged and channeled in a direction but never reversed. For
Nkrumah only proper changes were real.[7]
Nyerere argued that African culture alone can
construct a viable ideology of modern state while Nkrumah argues that African
cultural alone cannot construct a viable ideology of modern African state, for
him a viable ideology for the development for African should be based on
synthesis of traditional and western, Islamic and euro-Christian elements of
African states.
Generally both thinkers
(Nyerere and Nkrumah) developed political ideas which had profound impact on
their countries and African in general. The political ideas and contributions
of Nkrumah and Nyerere are significant and remain very valid for today’s Africa
because Nkrumah developed the notion of “neo colonialism” which outlined the
features of continued exploitation of former colonies after formal political independence
was achieved and Nyerere advanced the ideology of self reliance as a necessary
component of socialism that is both were steadfast in their condemnation of
exploitation and oppression. Finally both did not succeed in putting their
political ideas into to practice like their dream of a united Africa remains unfulfilled.
REFFERENCES
Fenner, B. (1963) African socialism. The Bodley head,
London
John, S, S. (2002) “Julius Nyerere and the theory
and practice of (Un) democratic socialism in Africa” The legacies of
Julius
Nyerere. Africa world press
Peter, T, P. (1970)
Kwame Nkrumah. New York: the Africane Publishing corporation.
[1] C,
Rappoport. (1928) what is Socialism. P-4
[2]F,
Brockway. (1963) African Socialism. P-25
[3] Friedland
and Rosberg Jr. (1964) African Socialism. P-3
[4] S.S.John(2002)
Julius Nyerere and the theory and practice of (Un) Democratic Socialism in
Africa
[5]
S.S.John(2002) Julius Nyerere and the theory and practice of (Un) Democratic
Socialism in Africa
[6] F,
Brockway. (1963) African Socialism. P-12
[7] T,
P, Omari(1970)Kwame Nkrumah. P-10
